Dictator Morsi adds more Islamists to cabinet

REUTERS

Egypt's Mursi brings more Islamists into cabinet

Tuesday May 07, 2013

Tom Perry and Yasmine Saleh

CAIRO (Reuters) - Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi increased the influence of his Muslim Brotherhood over government in a cabinet reshuffle that replaced two ministers involved in crucial talks with the IMF over a $4.8 billion loan.

The changes fell well short of the opposition's demand for a complete overhaul of Prime Minister Hisham Qandil's administration and the installation of a neutral cabinet to oversee parliamentary elections later this year.

It looked unlikely to help build the political consensus the International Monetary Fund is seeking for reforms needed to secure a loan seen as vital to easing Egypt's deep economic crisis - an unaffordable budget deficit and a plunge in the value of its currency. The government is struggling to seal a deal that would require it to implement austerity measures.

Qandil, a technocrat appointed premier last year, named nine new ministers. They included Amr Darrag, a senior official in the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, as planning minister. The outgoing minister, Ashraf al-Arabi, had played a central role in the IMF talks.

Another Brotherhood member, Yehya Hamed, was named investment minister, and Ahmed el-Gezawi, an FJP member, took over agriculture, lifting the movement's share to around a third of the cabinet's 35 portfolios.

Fayyad Abdel Moneim, a specialist in Islamic economics, was appointed as finance minister, replacing Al-Mursi Al-Sayed Hegazy, another expert on Islamic finance who was appointed in January - the last time Qandil reshuffled the cabinet.

"The reshuffle is unlikely to signal any real shift in policy, particularly from an economic perspective," Said Hirsh, a London-based economist, said.

"If anything it deals a blow to demands for political consensus which the government seems to have ignored."

The changes underscored the polarized state of an Egyptian political scene split between Mursi and his Islamist allies and opposition parties that accuse him and the Brotherhood of trying to dominate the post-Hosni Mubarak order.

Mursi announced on April 20 he would carry out the reshuffle to replace a government widely criticized for failing to get the economy moving nine months into his presidency.

The United States, which gives Egypt $1.3 billion in military aid each year, has grown more critical of Mursi of late, listing a lack of political inclusivity as a concern.

"COSMETIC CHANGE"

Essam el-Erian, deputy head of the Freedom and Justice Party, told Al Jazeera's Egyptian news channel the aim of the reshuffle was to "confront the economic crisis and to conclude the agreement with the IMF with new spirit and a new vision, and to confront the energy crises", a reference to fuel shortages.

The National Salvation Front (NSF), a loose alliance of opposition parties, wants Mursi to install a neutral government and replace the public prosecutor before elections that are expected to get under way in October.

"The changes will only deepen the political crisis and state of polarization and block the way to any possible real national dialogue," said Hussein Abdel Ghani, an NSF member.

Yasser El-Shimy, Egypt analyst with the International Crisis Group, said: "They might be getting people who will do a better job but it does not address the political crisis in any meaningful way, and I'm not sure it's meant to.

"They have absolutely no doubt that they will be able to ride this wave of instability," he said.

The reshuffle left the ministers of interior, defense and foreign affairs unchanged.

Ahmed Suleiman was named as justice minister, replacing Ahmed Mekky, who resigned last month in protest at efforts by Mursi's Islamist allies to purge the judiciary. A former assistant to Mekky, Suleiman has been critical of some of Mursi's toughest opponents in the judiciary.

Sherif Haddara, chairman of the Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation, was named as minister of petroleum, responsible for meeting the fuel needs of the cash-strapped state as summer approaches. The state, which subsidizes diesel, cooking gas and other fuels, has been struggling to finance energy imports.


*(Additional reporting by Shaimaa Fayed and Patrick Werr; Editing by Mark Heinrich)

Labor strikes & social struggles increase exponentially

Ahram Online

Post-revolution labour strikes, social struggles on rise in Egypt: Report

Monday 29 Apr 2013

Salma Shukrallah and Randa Ali

 

Egypt saw almost four times as many workers' protests last year – in both public and private sectors – as it did in 2010, according to new report by local NGO

The Egyptian Centre for Social and Economic Rights (ECESR) on Sunday issued a new report documenting labour strikes that took place in Egypt last year.

According to the report, in 2012, Egypt witnessed 1,969 protests by workers - in the government, public and private sectors - marking a considerable increase compared to 2010, when only 530 protests were recorded.

The 2012 protests listed in the report represent one of the highest levels of social struggle worldwide and include demonstrations, sit-ins, road blockages and strikes.

Thirty-six percent of these protests were staged to demand better pay, the report stated, going on to note that roughly five major labour protests per day were currently taking place in Egypt.

The report went on to assert that some 380 protests had been held to protest unemployment or demand permanent work contracts.

Another 70, meanwhile, had been prompted by arbitrary practices by management against workers.

The report further cited around 111 protests against 'corrupt' or 'failed' managements. It cited another 29 industrial actions in which workers demanded the re-operating of factories and companies, in addition to the reopening of companies that had been renationalized via court order.

Labour rights activists and ECESR lawyers have succeeded in winning court verdicts ordering the renationalisation of several privatised companies, including the Steam Boilers Company, Omar Effendi, Ideal, Assiut Cement, Nile Ginning Cotton Company, Shebin El-Kom Textiles Company, and Tanta for Flax and Oil.

Many of these verdicts, however, were never applied. Recently, Prime Minister Hisham Qandil was slapped with a suspended one-year jail sentence for failing to implement an administrative court ruling ordering the renationalisation of Egypt's Tanta Flax and Oil Company.

According to a recent report by the International Development Centre, an Egyptian rights organisation, Egypt is currently witnessing a sharp spike in labour and other social protests, with 1,354 protests recorded in March alone compared to 864 protests during the previous month. This means an average of 44 protests per day, or 1.8 protests every hour.

The report also states that the protests were held by 40 different social categories, with most being staged by politically unaffiliated individuals.

The vast majority of protests involved labour rights and rising fuel prices, the report added.

Within the past two years, the report went on, major strikes in Egypt involved railway workers, public transport workers, doctors and police officers.

After the January 25 Revolution ousted former president Hosni Mubarak, expectations were high that many of Egypt's social and economic woes – which many saw as the triggers of the uprising – would be minimised, and that demands for better working conditions and pay would be met.

According to the ECESR report, however, the number of strikes increased when President Mohamed Morsi won the elections, after which hopes were high for economic stability following months of uncertainty.

However, since 2011, Egypt has instead seen weak economic growth and rising costs of living. Government attempts to reduce subsidies have also led to rising prices for basic utilities, including electricity and natural gas.

What's more, the local currency has suffered a sharp devaluation this year due to dwindling foreign currency reserves.

The government is currently trying to modify an economic reform plan in hopes of obtaining a $4.8 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund after the latter deemed an earlier plan 'weak.' A modified version of the plan is expected to further reduce energy subsidies and raise sales taxes.


*Photo courtesy of Mai Shaheen

Prime Minister sentenced to prison in privatization case

Egypt Independent
Misdemeanor court hands PM jail sentence 

Wed, 17/04/2013

The Dokki Misdemeanor Court on Wednesday sentenced Prime Minister Hesham Qandil to one year in prison and ordered he be removed from office for failing to implement a court ruling annulling a privatization deal.
The court set bail at LE2000.

On 17 December 2011 the Administrative Court nullified the privatization contract for the Nile Cotton Ginning Company - a massive group of factories in several cities along the Nile — after finding that the company was sold for under its initial value.

Shareholders filed an appeal against the verdict on 16 February 2012, while state authorities refused to reabsorb the company into the public sector.

Qandil was not prime minister at the time of the ruling, but as head of the government is still responsible for implementing previously issued court verdicts, as Article 79 of the Constitution saying that any refusal on the part of civil servants to enforce court rulings is a "crime punishable by the law."
 
The Supreme Administrative Court is reviewing the case and is scheduled to reconvene on 3 June.
 
Several media outlets have incorrectly reported that Wednesday's ruling pertains to a similar privatization case regarding the Tanta Flax and Oils Company. The court acquitted Qandil in that case last week.



*Photo courtesy of Al-Masry Al-Youm

Prime Minister acquitted in privatization case

Egypt Independent
Qandil acquitted in privatization case

Wed, 10/04/2013


Jano Charbel 

The Dokki Misdemeanors Court issued its verdict today acquitting Prime Minister Hesham Qandil from liability and impeachment in light of a lawsuit filed by workers at the Tanta Flax and Oils Company, accusing him of failing to uphold an administrative court ruling issued in September 2011 — ruling that the privatized company should be returned to the public sector.

‪A final judicial ruling on the company's legal status is due to be issued on 15 April.
‪

Nearly one and half years ago, the Administrative Court issued a historic verdict annulling the privatization contract of the Tanta Flax and Oils Company — finding that the company had been sold off to a Saudi investor for far less than its true market value.‬
‪

“I feel let-down by today’s verdict," said Tanta Flax worker Gamal Othman. “The court claimed that Qandil is not responsible for the failure of incorporating our company back into the public sector.”
‪

Othman went on to say, “If the prime minister is not to blame and is not responsible for this mess, then who is? Everybody is washing their hands of responsibility. Authorities previously told us that the Ministry of Investment is not responsible, nor is the Governorate of Gharbiya, nor is the Council of Ministers or the prime minister. The court should’ve at least told us who is responsible. Who should we turn to?”
‪

Othman added, “All of us workers were disappointed by today’s verdict.”
‪

Sacked unionist Hesham al-Oql said he is "not very concerned with the court's verdict on Qandil,"
since the authorities would not have enforced a verdict against figures of the ruling regime, even if the court had ruled in favor of the workers.
‪

A former employee of Tanta Flax, Oql went on to say, “Today’s verdict is politicized and is not surprising.” He added that he pinning his hopes on the other verdict scheduled for April 15 — regarding the rightful ownership of the company, and a final decision on the company's privatization contract.
‪

"Given the previous court rulings and legal findings, issued in the favor of companies being returned to the public sector, I trust that a final verdict will help us get our company back in order. And hopefully will help us get our jobs back too," he said.
‪

Along with the Tanta Flax Company, the Administrative Court had also ruled for the nullification of the privatization contracts for the Shebin El Kom Spinning and Weaving Company and the Nasr Company for Steam Boilers — on 21 September 2011. On 13 September 2012 the same court annulled the privatization contract of the CEMEX Assiut Cement Company.‬

 On 17 December 2011 the Administrative Court ordered the nullification of the privatization contract for the Nile Cotton Ginning Company — a massive group of factories in a host of cities stretching along the Nile River.
‪

Refusing to re-absorb this mammoth company back into its public sector, on 16 February 2012 state authorities filed an appeal against this verdict. The Supreme Administrative Court is reviewing the case and is set to issue a final verdict on 15 April — the same date as the Tanta Flax verdict.
‪

An exception to the state’s policy towards the five aforementioned companies are the Omar Effendi department stores. This giant company had its privatization contract nullified by the Administrative Court on 7 May 2011, and has since been re-absorbed into the public sector.
‪

"Although the Administrative Court issued a verdict in our favor 18 months ago, this verdict has been ignored by three successive governments — those of Prime Ministers Kamal al-Ganzouri, Essam Sharaf, and now Hesham Qandil," said Othman. "They've all been dragging their feet and declining to take back the company into the public sector.”
‪

Othman added "Qandil, like his predecessors, promised to abide by the court's verdict — but has done the exact opposite. He is intentionally ignoring the court's verdict.”
‪

According to Othman, "the prime minister is reneging on his promises, and yet the Morsy regime is still holding on to him.”
‪

Privatized in 2005 and reportedly sold at a third of its real market value to Saudi investor Abdel Ellah al-Kahky, the Tanta Flax and Oils Company has since lost a majority of its workforce as well as seen a decline in productivity.
‪

Workers at this company point out that, prior to privatization, the company had a workforce of some 2,850 - now down to just 170. Moreover, out of 10 factories/production lines, only two are currently operational.
‪

Regarding his expectations for the 15 April verdict, Oql commented: "The Mubarak regime was an awful violator of rights, but at least they tended to respect judicial verdicts. On the other hand, the Muslim Brotherhood is openly violating courts' verdicts and is repeatedly appealing against them in attempts to strike them down.”

‪Oql added, "Qandil is dragging his feet because he has received orders from the Brotherhood's guidance bureau to do so. They think they are above the law, and that they can flout any judicial verdicts which the Brotherhood doesn't approve of.”
‪

Othman added that he would’ve been pleased to see the prime minister held accountable for his disregard of previous judicial verdicts, "but more important to us is the functioning of our company.”
‪

Regardless of today’s verdict clearing Qandil of culpability, Othman said that his top demand of authorities is: “governmental assistance in purchasing raw materials for us to keep our company running. We are willing and able to pay them back for such an investment.”
‪

Analyzing the reality of the situation, Othman added that "none of the state authorities are willing to step-in and save this company." This worker claimed that the Textile Holding Company, along with the Ministries of Finance, Investment, and Labor have "turned a deaf ear to our demands.”
‪

"Investment is supposed to provide new job opportunities, to create new industries and services. Yet Abdel Ellah's idea of investment appears to be closing down industries and laying-off workers en masse. This so-called investment is not the sort which the government should be supporting," he said.
‪

Oql adds, "I feel uneasy towards both the verdicts - regarding Qandil and the company. There are many other companies which have had their privatization contracts overruled, yet they remain in a state of limbo along with thousands of their workers.”
‪

In the meantime, Kahky has been resorting to international commercial arbitration against the Administrative Court's ruling. Neither Kahky nor his administrators could be reached for comments or clarifications‬.


*Photo by Ahmed Hayman

Civil disobedience campaign enters 2nd week in Port Said

Daily News Egypt

Civil disobedience in Port Said enters day seven

February 23, 2013

Salma Hegab

Thousands of workers, shop-owners, students, residents, and government employees continue civil disobedience which began one week ago

Civil disobedience resumed in Port Said as demonstrators continue to shut down the administrative buildings of the Suez Canal terminal.

Ultras “Green Eagles”, fans of Al Masry football club, cut the main road between Port Said, Ismailia and Cairo on Saturday morning, blocking traffic. According to state-owned Al-Ahram, the army and police reopened the main road.

Bus and taxi drivers joined the strike while the port customs fees office remained closed.

The eastern port and shipyard remained nonfunctional as workers continued their strike. Boat owners organised a naval demonstration in the Suez Canal waterway.

A partial strike also took place in schools and governmental sectors on Saturday, according to accountant Mahmoud Qandil.

Three buses carrying protesters from Suez to Port Said arrived in order to take part in the civil disobedience, while a bus carrying protesters from independent syndicates in Cairo joined the Port Said strike as well, according to several eyewitnesses.

Protesters rejected political parties’ representation in the strike by not allowing any political banners in the squares.

“Parliamentary elections will be boycotted. Port Said citizens plan to besiege all electoral commissions,” protester Mohamed Nabil said.

In Hai Al-Arab Street, a number of protesters have established a “public police station” on Friday night under the slogan “people in the service of the people.”

Thousands in Port Said have also organised a popular trial against President Mohamed Morsi, Prime Minister Hesham Qandil, Minister of Interior Mohamed Ibrahim and several leaders within the Muslim Brotherhood including Mohamed Badie and Khairat El-Shater, accusing them of killing protesters in Port Said last January. The court sentenced Morsi, Qandil and Ibrahim to death.

In Damietta, protesters used more peaceful methods as they launched the “I am not paying” campaign in which they asked citizens not to pay any bills to the government, including electricity and taxes as means of civil disobedience, Rehab El-Naasan, 6 April Youth Movement member, said. Calls to boycott paying bills to the government have spread to Port Said as well.

Prime Minister Qandil announced on Saturday that the government will provide people of Port Said with the utmost care, according to a press release by Egypt State Information Service.

He added that he is in constant contact with representatives of Port Said in the Shura Council as well as executive officials in the governorate, including the governor.

Qandil pointed out that there is a need to increase job opportunities in Port Said, Suez Canal cities and all cities in Egypt. He stated that the government is working towards beginning several projects to provide 750,000 job opportunities by the end of the current financial year.

Protesters plan to continue their civil disobedience until the verdict of the Port Said massacre trial is announced on 9 March.

*Additional Reporting by Ahmed Aboul Enein

**Photo courtesy of AFP

Dictator Morsi cannot rule Egypt like Dictator Mubarak

Egypt Independent

Violence and politics on the day of Mubarak's ouster

Jano Charbel

 

Tue, 12/02/2013

The commemoration of the second anniversary of Hosni Mubarak’s abdication in Egypt was centered around calls for the current president to step down, in a scene indicative of the tough time ahead for authorities. 

Tens were injured and others reportedly arrested, after peaceful protest marches turned into violent clashes between protesters and Central Security Forces outside the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace on Monday night. 

Around 10,000 angry protesters marching from downtown Cairo, Tahrir Square and Nasr City, descended upon Mohamed Morsy’s presidential palace in Heliopolis to commemorate Mubarak’s toppling — and demanded the abdication of the new regime.

Thousands of protesters chanted slogans reminiscent of the 2011 uprising between 25 January and 11 February 2011, indicating that the state of revolution has not stopped. “The people demand the downfall of the regime” and “Irhal” (Arabic for "leave") were among the chants. 

However, newer slogans directed against Morsy’s regime were also chanted including: “Down with the rule of the guide” and “sell the revolution, sell. Sell the revolution Badie” in reference to Morsy's Muslim Brotherhood’s Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie.

Amidst the choking clouds of tear gas, angry protesters also chanted “fuck you Morsy” and “the Interior [Ministry] are thugs.” Others spray-painted messages of dissent such as “Morsy is a murderer” on his palace walls, and other buildings along Merghani Street where the palace is located.
   

Clashes erupted after a small group of youth moved to dismantle barbed-wire fences surrounding the palace’s main gate. Security forces within the palace used water cannons to disperse all protesters away from the main gate, after a couple of protesters had partially set it on fire. 

Rocks were then hurled over the palace walls, and shortly afterwards six armored riot police trucks were deployed with hundreds of CSF troops behind them.

Volleys of tear gas came raining down upon the protesters — violent and non-violent, alike — pushing all away from the palace’s walls. The now famous Black Bloc protesters built a makeshift barricade on the street outside the palace, while hurling tear-gas canisters back at the CSF, along with rocks, glass bottles, Molotovs, and fireworks.

Yet amidst the violent chaos, there were politics in the form of grievances, demands and propositions.

“We demand the downfall of the entire regime, especially Morsy. He’s proven time and time again that he is a liar. Morsy never sticks to the promises he made to the Egyptian people,” said protester Gamal Ibrahim. 

“We’ve seen that none of those responsible for the killings of protesters have been brought to justice, while more protesters are being killed every day across the country, with others being abused and tortured." 

Ibrahim went on to say that Morsy lied when he said that he would be a president representing all Egyptian people, and that a new constitution would be issued to protect the rights of all Egyptians.

“Instead we have a dictator serving only the interests of his Brotherhood, and sponsoring a shameful constitution to protect his own direct interests and those of his society,” he said. Ibrahim recommended the formation of an interim “national coalition government” until new presidential elections could be held.  

Besides the call for the downfall of Morsy's administration, a more moderate demand was the resignation of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil.

Sherif al-Masry told Egypt Independent, “I travelled today from Beni Suef (about 120 kilometers south of Cairo) to demand the resignation and impeachment of Prime Minister Qandil along with his cabinet.”

“Qandil is an animal who understands nothing. He talks of women’s dirty breasts causing diarrhea amongst babies while our country and its economy are collapsing,” he said referring to Qandil's recent controversial statements about hygiene an sanitation. 

Referring to Qandil’s former position as minister of irrigation and water resources, Masry claimed that “he should just talk about irrigation, that’s the only thing he knows. Leave the government to those who know how to govern.”

Masry clarified, “I’m not here to protest against President Morsy. He is a decent man, but his ministers — especially Qandil — are incompetent fools. If he leaves them in place then country will surely collapse from mismanagement.”

Politics in the midst of the violence were not only manifested in the anti-regime demands, but also in resentment of the political class, including the opposition.

Leading members of the opposition coalition, the National Salvation Front, were noticeably missing from the protest at the palace. Even within the NSF there is disagreement regarding their opposition toward the ruling regime, with some demanding Morsy’s abdication, while others calling only for ministerial shuffles and reforms.

A middle-aged protester, Fathy Mahrous, noted that “Egypt’s revolutionary youth are far more active and fearless in their demands for justice than the opposition politicians and party chiefs.

“When it comes to their basic rights, even the common simple folks have grown fearless and outspoken since the revolution,” added Mahrous. He explained “people aren’t afraid of authority figures anymore. They are willing to confront the police on the street, as you can see. They even curse and assault judges in their courts.”

Mahrous concluded “Morsy will not be able to rule Egypt with an iron fist like Mubarak did before him. The people are no longer willing to put up with such subjugation.”   

Well into the middle of the night, and two years into the toppling of Mubarak, hundreds of protesters remained in the palace, an area previously inaccessible for protests, at a moment of the revolution many believe is critical. 

In a perfect act of commemoration, they chanted, “Hey interior ministry, what do you think you’re doing? Did you forget about 25 January?"

The commemoration of the second anniversary of Hosni Mubarak’s abdication in Egypt was centered around calls for the current president to step down, in a scene indicative of the tough time ahead for authorities. 

Tens were injured and others reportedly arrested, after peaceful protest marches turned into violent clashes between protesters and Central Security Forces outside the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace on Monday night. Around 10,000 angry protesters marching from downtown Cairo, Tahrir Square and Nasr City, descended upon Mohamed Morsy’s presidential palace in Heliopolis to commemorate Mubarak’s toppling — and demanded the abdication of the new regime.

Thousands of protesters chanted slogans reminiscent of the 2011 uprising between 25 January and 11 February 2011, indicating that the state of revolution has not stopped. “The people demand the downfall of the regime” and “Irhal” (Arabic for "leave") were among the chants. However, newer slogans directed against Morsy’s regime were also chanted including: “Down with the rule of the guide” and “sell the revolution, sell. Sell the revolution Badie” in reference to Morsy's Muslim Brotherhood’s Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie.

Amidst the choking clouds of tear gas, angry protesters also chanted “fuck you Morsy” and “the Interior [Ministry] are thugs.” Others spray-painted messages of dissent such as “Morsy is a murderer” on his palace walls, and other buildings along Merghani Street where the palace is located.  

Clashes erupted after a small group of youth moved to dismantle barbed-wire fences surrounding the palace’s main gate. Security forces within the palace used water cannons to disperse all protesters away from the main gate, after a couple of protesters had partially set it on fire. Rocks were then hurled over the palace walls, and shortly afterwards six armored riot police trucks were deployed with hundreds of CSF troops behind them.

Volleys of tear gas came raining down upon the protesters — violent and non-violent, alike — pushing all away from the palace’s walls. The now famous Black Bloc protesters built a makeshift barricade on the street outside the palace, while hurling tear-gas canisters back at the CSF, along with rocks, glass bottles, Molotovs, and fireworks.

Yet amidst the violent chaos, there were politics in the form of grievances, demands and propositions.

“We demand the downfall of the entire regime, especially Morsy. He’s proven time and time again that he is a liar. Morsy never sticks to the promises he made to the Egyptian people,” said protester Gamal Ibrahim. “We’ve seen that none of those responsible for the killings of protesters have been brought to justice, while more protesters are being killed every day across the country, with others being abused and tortured." 

Ibrahim went on to say that Morsy lied when he said that he would be a president representing all Egyptian people, and that a new constitution would be issued to protect the rights of all Egyptians.

“Instead we have a dictator serving only the interests of his Brotherhood, and sponsoring a shameful constitution to protect his own direct interests and those of his society,” he said. Ibrahim recommended the formation of an interim “national coalition government” until new presidential elections could be held.  

Besides the call for the downfall of Morsy's administration, a more moderate demand was the resignation of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil.

Sherif al-Masry told Egypt Independent, “I travelled today from Beni Suef (about 120 kilometers south of Cairo) to demand the resignation and impeachment of Prime Minister Qandil along with his cabinet.”

“Qandil is an animal who understands nothing. He talks of women’s dirty breasts causing diarrhea amongst babies while our country and its economy are collapsing,” he said referring to Qandil's recent controversial statements about hygiene an sanitation. 

Referring to Qandil’s former position as minister of irrigation and water resources, Masry claimed that “he should just talk about irrigation, that’s the only thing he knows. Leave the government to those who know how to govern.”

Masry clarified, “I’m not here to protest against President Morsy. He is a decent man, but his ministers — especially Qandil — are incompetent fools. If he leaves them in place then country will surely collapse from mismanagement.”

Politics in the midst of the violence were not only manifested in the anti-regime demands, but also in resentment of the political class, including the opposition.

Leading members of the opposition coalition, the National Salvation Front, were noticeably missing from the protest at the palace. Even within the NSF there is disagreement regarding their opposition toward the ruling regime, with some demanding Morsy’s abdication, while others calling only for ministerial shuffles and reforms.

A middle-aged protester, Fathy Mahrous, noted that “Egypt’s revolutionary youth are far more active and fearless in their demands for justice than the opposition politicians and party chiefs.

“When it comes to their basic rights, even the common simple folks have grown fearless and outspoken since the revolution,” added Mahrous. He explained “people aren’t afraid of authority figures anymore. They are willing to confront the police on the street, as you can see. They even curse and assault judges in their courts.”

Mahrous concluded “Morsy will not be able to rule Egypt with an iron fist like Mubarak did before him. The people are no longer willing to put up with such subjugation.”   

Well into the middle of the night, and two years into the toppling of Mubarak, hundreds of protesters remained in the palace, an area previously inaccessible for protests, at a moment of the revolution many believe is critical. In a perfect act of commemoration, they chanted, “Hey interior ministry, what do you think you’re doing? Did you forget about 25 January?"

- See more at: http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/violence-and-politics-day-mubarak-s-toppling-remembered#sthash.4JmLBcfu.dpuf

Violence and politics on the day Mubarak's toppling is remembered

Jano Charbel

Tue, 12/02/2013

- See more at: http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/violence-and-politics-day-mubarak-s-toppling-remembered#sthash.4JmLBcfu.dpuf